The Absurd Highlights of British Politics in 2025
If 2025 taught us anything, it’s that British politics is no longer about ideology, policy, or even competence – it’s about television metaphors and knowing when to jump ship. Loyalty, it turns out, is a finite resource, and this year it ran out remarkably quickly.
The Conservatives spent much of the year discovering this the hard way. One by one, Tory MPs drifted to Reform UK, a party that has increasingly resembled a political lost-and-found. Some of the most high-profile Tory defections included former chancellor Nadhim Zahawi and former culture secretary Nadine Dorries. Reform welcomed them warmly, proving once again that reinvention is only a press release away.
Inside Westminster, seriousness continued to struggle. Health Secretary Wes Streeting’s plot of a leadership challenge against PM Keir Starmer was quickly likened to a Traitor’s style takedown. Streeting, keen to shut this down, stressed his position as a faithful – though the question remains whether any secret traitors are still hiding in the cabinet. At this point a petition to make Claudia Winkleman speaker of the House of Commons verges on a practical solution.
This wasn’t the last time the BBC featured in parliamentary discussion. Across the Atlantic, US President Donald Trump threatened to sue the BBC for $5 billion over what he described as the misleading editing of his speech before the US Capitol riot. Watching British MPs reference a BBC reality show while the US President accused the BBC of global media manipulation felt like politics was disappearing into its own reflection. By this point, it was unclear whether the BBC was meant to be a public broadcaster or a villain in a conspiracy thriller.
While on the topic of traitors, it only feels right to turn to Nigel Farage’s ongoing flirtation with Russia. At a time when Russia’s intentions were hardly subtle, Farage’s tone felt oddly relaxed. His reluctance to support stronger military action in Ukraine sat uncomfortably alongside the jailing of the former Reform UK Welsh party leader Nathan Gill for taking Russian bribes. Still, judging by recent patterns, I’m sure the prison will accidentally release him early. Labour, by contrast, chose a firmer stance in the Autumn Budget, as Chancellor Rachel Reeves announced ramped-up sanctions and the freezing of known Russian assets – clarifying, for avoidance of doubt, that this did not include Nigel Farage.
Meanwhile, while Reform dominated the polls, their stance on immigration felt less like politics and more like Love Island. The logic is simple: Britain is the villa, resources are limited, and the producers are desperate to get people off the island. The only thing missing was a slow-motion walk to the English Channel and a sad acoustic cover playing in the background. Still, it hasn’t been all bad. Back at home, Farage has sent patriotism through the roof. Love for Britain has never been clearer, with Union Jacks draped from lampposts, railings, and social media posts. The population has truly never felt more united, obviously.
The same cannot quite be said for Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana’s ‘Your Party’. The name alone is mildly anxiety inducing, suggesting that responsibility for the chaos has somehow been outsourced to the rest of us. Internal disagreements have played out publicly and enthusiastically, reinforcing the sense that while British politics may be divided, it is at least consistently loud.
If 2025 has proven anything, it’s that British politics has officially become a spectator sport, where the real winners are whoever gets the best headlines. As we navigate through 2026, we can only expect more defections, more ridiculous headlines, and a political landscape where messaging matters more than policy. Whether this will strengthen democracy, erode it, or simply make parliamentary proceedings endlessly confusing, one thing is for certain. It will never be boring.
Union Jacks and U-Turns
The Absurd Highlights of British Politics in 2025
If 2025 taught us anything, it’s that British politics is no longer about ideology, policy, or even competence – it’s about television metaphors and knowing when to jump ship. Loyalty, it turns out, is a finite resource, and this year it ran out remarkably quickly.
The Conservatives spent much of the year discovering this the hard way. One by one, Tory MPs drifted to Reform UK, a party that has increasingly resembled a political lost-and-found. Some of the most high-profile Tory defections included former chancellor Nadhim Zahawi and former culture secretary Nadine Dorries. Reform welcomed them warmly, proving once again that reinvention is only a press release away.
Inside Westminster, seriousness continued to struggle. Health Secretary Wes Streeting’s plot of a leadership challenge against PM Keir Starmer was quickly likened to a Traitor’s style takedown. Streeting, keen to shut this down, stressed his position as a faithful – though the question remains whether any secret traitors are still hiding in the cabinet. At this point a petition to make Claudia Winkleman speaker of the House of Commons verges on a practical solution.
This wasn’t the last time the BBC featured in parliamentary discussion. Across the Atlantic, US President Donald Trump threatened to sue the BBC for $5 billion over what he described as the misleading editing of his speech before the US Capitol riot. Watching British MPs reference a BBC reality show while the US President accused the BBC of global media manipulation felt like politics was disappearing into its own reflection. By this point, it was unclear whether the BBC was meant to be a public broadcaster or a villain in a conspiracy thriller.
While on the topic of traitors, it only feels right to turn to Nigel Farage’s ongoing flirtation with Russia. At a time when Russia’s intentions were hardly subtle, Farage’s tone felt oddly relaxed. His reluctance to support stronger military action in Ukraine sat uncomfortably alongside the jailing of the former Reform UK Welsh party leader Nathan Gill for taking Russian bribes. Still, judging by recent patterns, I’m sure the prison will accidentally release him early. Labour, by contrast, chose a firmer stance in the Autumn Budget, as Chancellor Rachel Reeves announced ramped-up sanctions and the freezing of known Russian assets – clarifying, for avoidance of doubt, that this did not include Nigel Farage.
Meanwhile, while Reform dominated the polls, their stance on immigration felt less like politics and more like Love Island. The logic is simple: Britain is the villa, resources are limited, and the producers are desperate to get people off the island. The only thing missing was a slow-motion walk to the English Channel and a sad acoustic cover playing in the background. Still, it hasn’t been all bad. Back at home, Farage has sent patriotism through the roof. Love for Britain has never been clearer, with Union Jacks draped from lampposts, railings, and social media posts. The population has truly never felt more united, obviously.
The same cannot quite be said for Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana’s ‘Your Party’. The name alone is mildly anxiety inducing, suggesting that responsibility for the chaos has somehow been outsourced to the rest of us. Internal disagreements have played out publicly and enthusiastically, reinforcing the sense that while British politics may be divided, it is at least consistently loud.
If 2025 has proven anything, it’s that British politics has officially become a spectator sport, where the real winners are whoever gets the best headlines. As we navigate through 2026, we can only expect more defections, more ridiculous headlines, and a political landscape where messaging matters more than policy. Whether this will strengthen democracy, erode it, or simply make parliamentary proceedings endlessly confusing, one thing is for certain. It will never be boring.
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